Selected Publications

Faculty Publications

The proliferating research in ontological security (OS) studies explores how irregular situations of ‘radical disjuncture’ remove the protective cocoon of routinised trust relations that enables the actors to ‘bracket out’ daily threats and dangers. Following this loss of trust, the actors perform a variety of OS-seeking strategies in their attempts to re-establish their lost trust in themselves and their surroundings. But how do disempowered actors in global politics, who suffer multiple marginalities and flee states that turn against their own citizens, seek ontological security (OS)? Focusing on Eritrean asylum-seeking women in southern Tel-Aviv, we rely on ‘thick’ ethnographic data to demonstrate how even when statist violence is the norm, the quest for OS persists in unexpected ways. Adding new insight to the growing research on trust and OS in international relations (IR) and security studies, the article exposes the multiple emerging OS-seeking strategies that thrive in the developing spaces of global politics, while shedding new light on the gendered politics of migration.

 

This paper defends the idea of empowering citizens by means of teaching them political philosophy. First, I explain and define empowerment as an experience leading to the development of critical and philosophical capabilities. Several challenges to using philosophy to empower citizens are then discussed and rejected. This group of challenges is called the ‘divorce theory’, because, according to them, philosophy and politics should be distinguished, as if divorced from each other, so that they can live happily side by side, but not together. Finally, empowerment is normatively defended and distinguished from paternalism, and examine the relationships between empowerment through political philosophy and deliberative democracy.

 

 

When viewed as a question of distributive justice the evaluation of workfare typically reflects exclusively on the distribution of income: do the physically capable have a justified claim for state support, or is it fair to demand from those who do work to subsidise this support? Rarely is workfare appraised in terms of how it affects other parties such as employers or other workers, and on the structural effects the pattern of incentives it generates brings about, or as an issue of distributive justice related to a more extensive range of objects of distribution such as access to pleasing jobs.

We propose to evaluate workfare by looking at its effects more broadly: (1) we discuss and dismiss on empirical grounds the two most common arguments in favour of workfare, namely that workfare develops self-reliance among participants and it is more economical in the use of altruism among taxpayers. (2) We suggest that workfare focuses on work as a burden and as a means to income, ignoring other beneficial aspects that are conducive to the worker’s self expression. These other benefits are distributed unevenly between two main groups: the privileged well off and the disadvantaged. (3) we argue that workfare functions as a mechanism to preserve these privileges to one class of workers at the expense of another. Or, to put it the other way, the payment of unconditional welfare to the long term unemployed might be justified as one method of mitigating unjustified privileges.

 

 

Power to the People examines the teaching of political philosophy in what is taken to be skeptical times. Author Avner de-Shalit encourages political philosophers to remain committed to the analytical achievements of political philosophy while also revising and improving the teachings of the discipline to be more in tune with the demands of democratic society. Using highly accessible language, de-Shalit argues that distinguishing political philosophy from politics is methodologically and normatively wrong; that political philosophy can empower its students; and that political philosophy should be democraticized. De-Shalit's radical and provocative theory will fascinate anyone involved in politics, philosophy, and education.

 

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Alumni Publications

The proliferating research in ontological security (OS) studies explores how irregular situations of ‘radical disjuncture’ remove the protective cocoon of routinised trust relations that enables the actors to ‘bracket out’ daily threats and dangers. Following this loss of trust, the actors perform a variety of OS-seeking strategies in their attempts to re-establish their lost trust in themselves and their surroundings. But how do disempowered actors in global politics, who suffer multiple marginalities and flee states that turn against their own citizens, seek ontological security (OS)? Focusing on Eritrean asylum-seeking women in southern Tel-Aviv, we rely on ‘thick’ ethnographic data to demonstrate how even when statist violence is the norm, the quest for OS persists in unexpected ways. Adding new insight to the growing research on trust and OS in international relations (IR) and security studies, the article exposes the multiple emerging OS-seeking strategies that thrive in the developing spaces of global politics, while shedding new light on the gendered politics of migration.
A. Khayat, Levine, H. , Berg, C.J , Shauly-Aharonov, M. , Manor, O. , Abroms, L. , Romm, K.F , Wysota, C.N , and Bar-Zeev, Y. . 2022. Iqos And Cigarette Advertising Across Regulatory Periods And Population Groups In Israel: A Longitudinal Analysis. Tobacco Control. doi:10.1136/tc-2022-057585. Publisher's Version
Background Tobacco regulation recently changed in Israel, including a partial advertisement ban. We assessed the impact of regulatory changes on Philip Morris International’s (PMI) IQOS and cigarette advertisements.Methods Weekly number of ads and weekly adspend of PMI’s IQOS and cigarettes were analysed descriptively and using Quasi-Poisson regressions over time, across regulatory periods and in relation to subpopulations (general public, Arab, Russian and Ultra-Orthodox), from 25 December 2016 to 4 August 2020. Exponentiated coefficients (a value >1 indicates an increase) and 95% CIs are reported.Results The average weekly number of ads and the average weekly adspend of IQOS were higher than cigarettes (42.22 vs 26.76 ads/week and 59 409 vs 45 613 new Israeli shekels/week; p<0.001 for both) during the study period, with exclusive IQOS advertisements during market penetration (December 2016 to May 2017). Variation in both outcomes was observed with regard to regulatory decisions. After the advertisement ban, there was a significant decrease in the weekly number of ads (IQOS: ß=0.04, 95% CI 0.002 to 0.20; cigarettes: ß=0.05, 95% CI 0.01 to 0.15) and weekly adspend (IQOS: ß=0.15, 95% CI 0.07 to 0.29; cigarettes: ß=0.31, 95% CI 0.17 to 0.53) for both products. The Ultra-Orthodox had significantly higher average weekly ads compared with the Arab population (IQOS: 0.67 vs 0.07; cigarettes: 2.74 vs 0.13; p=0.02 for both) but lower adspend.Conclusions IQOS and cigarette advertisements varied over time and appeared to have been impacted by regulatory changes. PMI invested more in IQOS advertisements than in cigarettes, with a partial advertisement ban decreasing both products’ advertisements. PMI might be targeting the Ultra-Orthodox Jewish population which has a low smoking rate. Further research and surveillance are needed to better understand targeting strategies in order to inform tobacco control policy.Data are available upon reasonable request. Data are available upon reasonable request from the corresponding author.
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