
Anna Fridman is a Master's student in International Development at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem. She holds a Bachelor's degree in International Relations from the Higher School of Economics in Russia. Currently, she volunteers with the TiNeOdna project, offering legal and psychological support to women who have experienced gender-based violence, as well as with Memorial Human Rights Defence Centre. Anna has completed internships with the United Nations and the Institute of Europe of the Russian Academy of Sciences.
According to Amnesty International1, over 21,000 individuals were penalized for their anti-war stance in 2022 alone. As of 2024, OVD-Info2 —one of Russian leading human rights organizations — reported that nearly 3,000 people are facing criminal prosecution for their political beliefs, with one-third of these cases involving anti-war statements. Since the outbreak of the Russian-Ukrainian war in February 2022, the human rights situation in Russia has rapidly deteriorated, undermining trust within Russian society.
First, the number of individuals and organizations labeled as “foreign agents” or “undesirable organizations” has grown substantially. This status has had a dramatic impact on several NGOs and media outlets, causing them to lose the trust of their audiences and donors, and in some cases, leading to their closure due to financial unsustainability. Second, the growing reprisals have effectively destroyed not only public political discussions but private ones as well. People have lost trust in each other due to the revived practice of denunciations. During the first six months of the war alone, Russians wrote nearly 145,000 denunciations, most of which were related to the Russian-Ukrainian war3.
Moreover, the growing political repression and war-related threats have triggered a large emigration wave: between 500,000 and 700,000 individuals have fled the country4. This mass exodus has been the subject of intense media discussions, exposing the widening societal divide and increasing mistrust. Those who remain in Russia have often labeled emigrants as "traitors" — a narrative amplified by state propaganda. Conversely, many emigrants have lost trust in those who stayed, viewing them as adaptive to the regime.
Thus, intensified reprisals have fractured trust within civil society, damaging relationships between NGOs, the media, and their audiences and donors. The growing divide has also eroded trust between politically active domestic and emigrant communities, and undermined trust among Russians who cannot discuss politics freely without risking denunciation.
"Intensified reprisals have fractured trust within civil society, damaging relationships between NGOs, the media, and their audiences and donors"
However, contrary to initial concerns, the emigration did not disrupt activist networks but instead led to a dynamic reorganization and elaboration of trust building strategies. A cooperative spirit has emerged between those who left and those remaining, with the politicized nature of emigration fostering self organization within the diaspora. The geographic distance from the repressive state machinery has reduced the costs of political dissent for both groups5. As a result, human rights and peace-promoting organizations have successfully bridged the gap between emigrants and domestic communities, organizing spaces for open political discourse and action with reduced risks of denunciation. This article examines how initiatives like the Feminist Antiwar Resistance (FAR), OVD-Info, and Memorial have facilitated trust-building and dialogue between these two groups on the protection of human rights and peace promotion within the context of ongoing war and political reprisals.
Collaborative action as a base of trust-building
Within Russia, any activity related to "undesirable organizations” is considered an administrative offense and can lead to criminal penalties. This environment poses significant challenges for NGOs, increasing the risks of political persecution persecution for their staff and volunteers.
Among the organizations examined, FAR is officially designated as undesirable, while OVD-Info is classified as a “foreign agent,” facing operational and funding limitations, as donors are often hesitant to contribute to such organizations. Memorial, though liquidated by the courts, reemerged as Memorial HRDC without a legal entity, continuing its mission despite raids and detentions6.
While the trust of domestic communities in organizations has decreased due to the risks of persecution, findings indicate that the criminalization of organizations fostered emigrants’ solidarity and collective action since they perceive such organizations as effective and credible, and in many cases, criminalization has attracted additional support from emigrants7.
As a result, human rights and peace organizations have increasingly relied on the engagement of emigrant communities to mitigate the costs of political dissent for those remaining in Russia and distribute tasks according to risks. For instance, OVD-Info requires potential candidates for employment to be located outside of Russia. Both OVD-Info and Memorial HRDC actively recruit volunteers from both domestic and emigrant communities and utilize secure communication tools like Telegram chatbots to protect volunteers' anonymity and enhance their trust in the organization. While these measures ensure personal security, they also cause a sense of isolation, a challenge that FAR addresses through its approach to activist communication.
Creation of safe spaces for political dialogue
FAR’s evolution as an anti-war movement, particularly after the war’s onset, has been rooted in trust building among activists who have dispersed globally8. FAR adopted a decentralized, horizontal structure, creating "cells" in various countries that communicate securely through encrypted platforms like Telegram and Element.
Creating safe spaces for political discussions became a central focus of FAR’s activities. FAR encourages the formation of small, sustainable activist groups known as GRAS (Groups of Raising Anti-War Self-Consciousness), which organize local political discussions through events like film screenings, reading clubs, picnics etc., all designed to build trust and understanding between activists. FAR has also established security protocols for groups within Russia and facilitates safe communication channels. Moreover, FAR organizes online workshops that bring together emigrant and domestic activists, enabling them to exchange experiences and learn vital skills for writing on political topics, engaging in debates, maintaining psychological resilience, and establishing samizdat periodicals. In FAR’s setting, activists in Russia can interact with their emigrant counterparts without revealing their identities.
FAR also works to build trust with individuals who are politically inactive or exposed to hostile, war-driven narratives. Activists write articles about war and political prisoners for the samizdat newspaper Zhenskaya Pravda [Female Truth], which imitates regional newspapers commonly found in Russian mailboxes.The newspaper is published and distributed by Russian “cells” and serves as a communication tool between emigrants and those remaining in Russia, promoting peace narratives amongst various populations and overcoming information bubbles.
Support of political prisoners as a common cause
Support of political prisoners became a unifying cause for domestic and emigrant communities. FAR, OVD-Info, and Memorial all actively engage in this cause, managing to share responsibilities between emigrants and those remaining in Russia to involve them in it: while activists within Russia participate in court representation and provide logistical support for prisoners, emigrant communities organize letter-writing campaigns that allow to provide psychological support to those imprisoned, create a dialogue between activists, and hold fundraising activities. These events are often held online or outside of Russia since attempts to organize such events within Russia have resulted in raids and detentions. The cross-border collaboration in support of political prisoners strengthens the activist network, allows people to act aligned with their values despite the repressive context, and builds trust despite geographical separation by demonstrating that all sides — whether emigrants or activists still in Russia — are needed to protect human rights.
Exhibition “Through the Bars”, organized by Memorial, All Rights Reversed and the community of lawyers and journalists “First Department”, Berlin, February 16, 2025 (photo: Pasha Kogan, «Political Prisoners. Memorial»)
International advocacy
One of the most significant ways in which emigrant communities contribute to trustbuilding is through international advocacy. This includes research, reports on human rights conditions directed to international institutions, and outreach to global media outlets which helps to bring recognition for the work of domestic activists and increase external credibility to local causes and builds trust despite geographical separation by demonstrating that all sides — whether emigrants or activists still in Russia — are needed to protect human rights.
Furthermore, emigrant communities create informal ways of advocacy. For instance,Memorial’s members organized an exhibition called “Repression Federation” in Vienna, showcasing artworks of Russian political prisoners to raise awareness about human rights violations and encourage letterwriting campaign (Memorial HRDC, 2024). FAR also initiated the “Handed Over from Russia” campaign, asking people in Russia to submit statements that they would say if not for the imposed restrictions. These words are then incorporated into public speeches and demonstrations, amplifying the silenced voices. Such initiatives strengthen trust between activists, as validating domestic efforts helps those remaining in Russia feel that they are not forgotten or isolated.
Memorial’s exhibition “Repression Federation”, Vienna, November 26, 2024 (photo: Pasha Kogan, «Political Prisoners. Memorial»)
Conclusion
Despite initial concerns that emigration would disrupt domestic activist networks, Russian human rights and peace organizations have continued their work.Organizations have effectively harnessed the potential of emigrant communities, rebuilding trust between them and domestic communities. The collaboration between emigrants and those remaining in Russia has become crucial in maintaining the operation of organizations, advancing international advocacy, supporting political prisoners, and creating safe spaces for political discourse. Key strategies for rebuilding trust between these separated communities include adopting informal, decentralized structures, encouraging grassroots activism, utilizing secure communication channels, and creating dialogue and experience exchange platforms. Although political activism in Russia has become less visible,human rights and peace organizations continue to operate, bolstered by the trust and collaboration between emigrant communities and those still within the country.
References :
1
Amnesty International public statement. (2023, July 18). Russia: under the “Eye of Sauron”: persecution of critics of the aggression against Ukraine. Amnesty International.
- OVD-Info. (2025, January 12). Repression in Russia in 2024: OVD-Info Overview
- The Insider. (2022, August 25). Russians wrote almost 145,000 denunciations in six months, most of them over “war fakes”.
4
Kamalov, E., Sergeeva, I., & Zavadskaya, M. (2022). Russia’s 2022 Anti-War Exodus: The Attitudes and Expectations of Russian Migrants. PONARS Eurasia; Korobkov, A. (2022). Russia: The Migration Dimension of the War in Ukraine. Russian analytical digest, No. 288.
5
Zavadskaya, M., Kamalov, E., & Sergeeva, I. (2024). Voice after Exit? Exploring Patterns of Civic Activism among Russian Migrant Communities in Eurasia after 24 February 2022. In A. Heusala, K. Aitamurto et Sh. Eraliev (Eds.), Global Migration and Illiberalism in Russia, Eurasia, and Eastern Europe. Helsinki University Press.
6
Orlova, S. (2023, March 22). Nobel Peace Prize winning organisation Memorial targeted by Russian government. Novaya Gazeta. Europe.
7
Kamalov, E., & Sergeeva, I. (2024, December 6). Unintended Consequences of Transnational Repressions: How Exile Organizations Gain Support in Response to Criminalization by Autocratic Homelands
- The Moscow Times. (2022, March 3). The Feminist Face of Russian Protests.
- Sologub, N. "Face to the wall, don't look down". Security forces raid on the evening of solidarity with the defendants of the
"Tyumen case"). Mediazona.
10
Мемориал ЦЗПЧ. (2024, November 26) Repression Federation. Выставка искусства политзаключенных в Вене (Repression Federation. Art exhibition of political prisoners in Vienna). Memorial HRDC.
Amnesty International public statement. (2023, July 18). Russia: under the “Eye of Sauron”: persecution of critics of the aggression against Ukraine. Amnesty International. https://eurasia.amnesty.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/07/russia-anti-war-a...
Kamalov, E., Sergeeva, I., & Zavadskaya, M. (2022). Russia’s 2022 Anti-War Exodus: the Attitudes and Expectations of Russian Migrants. PONARS Eurasia. www.ponarseurasia.org/russias-2022-anti-war-exodus-the-attitudesand-expe...
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Organizations Gain Support in Response to Criminalization by Autocratic Homelands. https://doi.org/10.31235/osf.io/wks2m Amnesty International public statement. (2023, July 18). Russia: under the “Eye of Sauron”: persecution of critics of theaggression against Ukraine. Amnesty International. https://eurasia.amnesty.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/07/russia-anti-war-a...
Kamalov, E., Sergeeva, I., & Zavadskaya, M. (2022). Russia’s 2022 Anti-War Exodus: the Attitudes and Expectations of Russian Migrants. PONARS Eurasia. www.ponarseurasia.org/russias-2022-anti-war-exodus-the-attitudesand-expe...
Kamalov, E., Sergeeva, I., & Zavadskaya, M. (2022). Russia’s 2022 Anti-War Exodus: the Attitudes and Expectations of Russian Migrants. PONARS Eurasia. www.ponarseurasia.org/russias-2022-anti-war-exodus-the-attitudesand-expe...
Kamalov, E., & Sergeeva, I. (2024, December 6). Unintended Consequences of Transnational Repressions: How Exile Organizations Gain Support in Response to Criminalization by Autocratic Homelands. https://doi.org/10.31235/osf.io/wks2m
Korobkov, A. (2022). Russia: The Migration Dimension of the War in Ukraine. Russian analytical didgest, No. 288. https://css. ethz.ch/content/dam/ethz/special-interest/gess/cis/center-for-securities-studies/pdfs/RAD288.pdf
Orlova, S. (2023, March 22). Nobel Peace Prize winning organisation Memorial targeted by Russian government. Novaya Gazeta. Europe. https://novayagazeta.eu/articles/2023/03/22/nobel-peace-prize-winning-or...
OVD-Info. (2025, January 12). Repression in Russia in 2024: OVD-Info Overview https://en.ovdinfo.org/repression-russia-2024ovd-info-overview?_gl=1*rxe... czODA3NjYzMi42MC4wLjA.#1
The Insider. (2022, August 25). Russians wrote almost 145,000 denunciations in six months, most of them over “war fakes”. https://theins.ru/en/news/254408
The Moscow Times. (2022, March 3). The Feminist Face of Russian Protests. https://www.themoscowtimes.com/2022/03/29/ the-feminist-face-of-russian-protests-a77106
Zavadskaya, M., Kamalov, E., & Sergeeva, I. (2024). Voice after Exit? Exploring Patterns of Civic Activism among Russian Migrant Communities in Eurasia after 24 February 2022. In A. Heusala, K. Aitamurto et Sh. Eraliev (Eds.), Global Migration and Illiberalism in Russia, Eurasia, and Eastern Europe. Helsinki University Press. https://doi.org/10.33134/HUP-26-8
Мемориал ЦЗПЧ. (2024, November 26) Repression Federation. Выставка искусства политзаключенных в Вене
(Repression Federation. Art exhibition of political prisoners in Vienna). Memorial HRDC. https://memorialcenter.org/news/ repression-federation-vystavka-iskusstva-politzaklyuchennyh-v-vene
Сологуб, Н. (2022, November 25). «Лицом к стене, вниз не смотреть». Облава силовиков на вечер солидарности с фигурантами «тюменского дела» (Sologub, N. "Face to the wall, don't look down". Security forces raid on the evening of solidarity with the defendants of the "Tyumen case"). Mediazona. https://zona.media/article/2022/11/25/oblava